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Both were dominated by timid Bengali bureaucrats unaccustomed tp playing a key role in difficult situations. Manik Sarkar, without realising the implications of his action, kept approaching the central government for more and more paramilitary forces. A top cop from Odisha was brought on deputation to head the Tripura police force. Former chief minister Nripen Chakraborty would never have done this since he did not trust the instincts of Bengali top cops in dealing with tribal unrest.

When a police chief from Odisha with no previous experience of handling tribal unrest was posted in Tripura, he naturally exposed his ignorance of the situation in Tripura. Every time a violent incident took place in the state, he was allegedly inclined to post more and more security personnel outside his own office without leaving his chair! During the years from to Tripura witnessed the most intense tribal militancy.

Two major outlawed groups in the state were on the rampage and continued their militancy and violence and carried out a campaign of mass killings, extortion, kidnapping, intimidation and arson. While their leaderships were secure in their hideouts in bordering Bangladesh, their cadres targeted the ruling CPI M , security patrols and Bengali settlements. By the way, Tripura has a km long porous border with Bangladesh. The militant cadres resorted to hit and run guerrilla tactics against civilians and the state government.

They had the common aim of removal of the Bengali-migrant population from the state. Violence, intimidations and mass abductions took place. In addition to local police, battalions of the central police forces were deployed in counter-insurgency operations. The officer adopted time-tested field operation tactics and used unconventional methods to improve the morale of the Tripura police.

Are India-Pakistan Peace Talks Worth a Damn? - Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

He engineered schisms within the insurgent groups in Bangladesh leading to periodic surrenders by militants. The surrendered militants were motivated to stage attack on militant bases across the border. The counter-insurgency operations coupled with cooperation between the state police and the Indian army contributed to containing the situation.

The emerging ethnic conflict, crucially based on the land issue, was not effectively dealt with by successive Congress and CPI M governments manned by Bengali officials. The setting up in the late s of the Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council TTAADC under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India for the welfare of the tribal people living two thirds of the total land area of the state was ineffective because its funds were controlled by the Bengali bureaucrats in the secretariat.

The political settlement between the Rajiv Gandhi government in New Delhi and prominent tribal leader, Bijoy Hrangkhwal, to end the militancy, did not work. The Panchayati raj institutions PRIs introduced in the nineties were the major beneficiaries of the funds made available by the centre. After the Mandai massacre of , a comprehensive report was submitted by a central team led by a former chief secretary of the state but its recommendations were not made public. Former chief minister Nripen Chakraborty, an unrivalled champion of the tribal cause, was increasingly isolated and finally expelled from the CPI M , perhaps owing, among others, to the tightening grip of pro-Bengali and anti-tribal interests within the state party.

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It is not as if better tribal and rural development specialists were not available in the CPI M -led state government, which was continuously in power from , The political executive proved its incapacity to contain the increasingly powerful IAS and IPS officials who dominated the administration.

The rigid ideological-political positions of the party in power inhibited it from taking advantage of the limited but real positive elements in the rural development policy of the government of India. They surrendered to the counter- insurgency model of development. The evaluator noted that the exclusion of these villages would lead to the impression that development benefits are not meant for these villages but are meant only for Bengali-dominated villages thus feeding extremist tendencies. The first part is an account of the more than seven-year period that Lawrence spent writing his book, which was published in This book will especially appeal to T.

Lawrence bibliophiles and others interested in delving deeper into literally everything associated with Seven Pillars. The author is a Cambridge University-educated British writer with extensive experience in the Middle East, who has written extensively about Lawrence. This is a highly informative, authoritative and well-written account of the Ulster Volunteer Force UVF within the wider landscape revolt by Irish Republican militant groups from the s to the current era in Northern Ireland. It is my intention to look behind the mask of UVF terror to paint as accurate and comprehensive a picture as it is possible to give of a ruthless, organized and determined armed group.

It will require legislation from the British and Irish governments to ensure that those who have moved away from their paramilitary pasts can be fully reintegrated and rehabilitated into society. Richard English , Eds. Richard English , Does Terrorism Work? In this conceptually innovative, well analyzed, and important book, the author examines the question of whether terrorism works.

Andrews, Scotland.

The Indian Army also has its own Kashmir story to tell

It will be your way of contributing to the creation of an Islamic state in Algeria. Somebody has to do those chores. The brothers are fighting against the taghout [false idols]. God has ordered them to do it. Besides, anyone who supports them is also indirectly taking part in the fight. I want you to be the one to help. It got into this mess because I was in love with a man who, all things considered, I hardly knew. We lived together for only three months. He has to know the truth some day. The Alt-Right is considered a destabilizing force in American politics, especially the intentionally provocative protest demonstrations by their adherents around the country.


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In an example of what may be a precedent to future Alt-Right terrorism, on August 12, , an Alt-Right adherent deliberately rammed his car against a counter-demonstration in Charlottesville, Virginia, killing one person and injuring more than 30 others. To understand this threat, Making Sense of the Alt-Right is an excellent account of its goals, predecessors, and activities. What does the Alt-Right want? It is also about rituals, customs, and dress codes. It is about music, films, and story-rituals, customs, and dress codes.

It is about music, films, and story-telling. It is about sports, jokes, and food. To analyze these topics, the contributors to the volume, who are leading experts in their respective fields, discuss topics in jihadi culture such as poetry, a cappella songs, a musicological perspective on jihadi anashid Islamic chants , cinematography, and the relationship between the tradition of Islamic dreams and jihadi militancy, including martyrdom as Muslim operatives are promised by their terrorist groups to continue living in an afterlife paradise following their death in suicide bombing attacks.

Nevertheless, for counterterrorism services to counter these jihadi narratives, this volume provides the rich material that needs to be considered in counter-messaging campaigns. James J.

Prospects for Peace in Afghanistan An Insider's Perspective

The contributors to this conceptually interesting and informative edited volume apply a multi-disciplinary approach to analyze the nature of the Boko Haram insurgency in northern Nigeria. To analyze these issues, the book is divided into three parts. The first part contextualizes the phenomenon of Boko Haram, with chapters on Boko Haram as a jihadist group, its ethnic and religious characteristics, and the influence on it of ideological and operational antecedents with previous revolts in Nigeria.

The chapter by John A. Therefore, the best policies to most effective counter Boko Haram will emerge not from a Nigerian military-led solution but from a more balanced and coordinated effort through CVE programs, hardened target preference, negotiations and police-vigilante combat operations. Nevertheless, all terrorists exist and function in hopes of reaching this ultimate end. For them, the future rather than the present defines their reality. This is an interesting and concise survey of the current conflicts in the Middle East, particularly in Syria and Iraq, and the war between groups such as al-Qaida and ISIS and the geopolitical interventions by Western military and security forces in those countries.

Weaving such very different elements into one unified whole will be a major challenge. The world is indeed complex, but managing complexity is what government is mean to be for. So defeating an insurgency is a far-from-simple step process. And by the counterinsurgency manual's standards, the U.

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Iraq isn't safe, secure, or stable at the moment. Baghdad does require external support — from Iran , no less. And rule of law is so weak in Iraq that much of the uniformed security forces fled Mosul as ISIS approached the city last week. But even a textbook example of American counterinsurgency doctrine couldn't hold that "end state" for long. Search icon A magnifying glass. It indicates, "Click to perform a search".